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A SERMON. 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DEATH : 

ITS VOICE 10 THE PEOPLE. 



BY GORDON HALL, D. D. 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DEATH 
Its Voice to the People. 



A DISCOURSE 



GORDON HALL, D. D., 

Pastor of the Edwards Church. 



PREACHED IN THE FIRST CHURCH, NORTHAMPTON, 

A.pril 19, 1865. 



NORTHAMPTON, MASS. 
TRUMBULL & GERE PRINTERS. 

1865. 



„ _ Northampton, April 20th, 18G5. 

Rev. Gordon Hall, D. D., 

Dear Sir : 

In common with our fellow-citizen?, we list- 
ened with great interest to your discourse delivered on the 19th inst, co-temporane- 
ously with the funeral obsequies of the late lamented President of the United States. 
Whatever may be the ultimate verdict of contemplative minds on the sugges- 
tions contained in that discourse, we hesitate not to say that they are deserving of 
the most serious consideration, and we respectfully solicit a copy for publication. 
Your compliance with this request will gratify great numbers of your fellow-citizens. 

WM. ALLEN, D. D, First Cong. Church, 
E. WILLIAMS, Deacon do. do. 

ERASTUS HOPKINS, Edwards Church, 
W. II. STODDARD, Deacon do. 
JOSIAH D. WHITNEY, do. 

L. MALTBY, do. 

HENRY BRIGHT, Episcopal Church, 
A. P. PECK, Second Cong. Church, 
CHRISTOPHER CLARKE, do. 
LEWIS PHELPS, Methodist Church, 
J. S. BAKER, Deacon Baptist Church. 



To Pres. Wm. Allen, D. D., and others. 

The discourse which you request for pub- 
lication was, as you are aware, hastily prepared. Some of its points are not prop- 
ositions or averments, but to use your own expression, "suggestions," not positive 
(•pinions in my own mind. If you believe that good would come of publish!,,- foe 
discourse, it is at your service. 

Yours very respectfully, 

GORDON HALL. 

Northampton, April 21st, 1865. 



PRES. LINCOLN'S DEATH -ITS VOICE TO THE PEOPLE. 



PS. XL VI: 10. — Be still and know that I am God. 

PS. XXXVI: 6. — Thy judgments are a great deep. 

JOB XXVI: 14. — Lo these are parts of his ways; but how little v 

PORTION IS HEARD OF HIM ? 



God's providence sovereign — unsearchable — ixsruct- 
rv'E, — these are the thoughts to occupy us. 

There are times when we can only be still, wonder and 
adore. We are awe-struck. We cease from man and arc 
thrown entirely upon a sovereign God. The only voice we 
hear bids us be still and know that it is God. 

"When, on wings of lightning, the intelligence went abroad 
that our honored and beloved President had been assassinated, 
we were speechless with amazement and horror. We thoughl 
of God upon the throne, — of God as appointing all events. F< ir 
the moment we forgot the pistol, the wound, the assassin, and 
in silent reverence bowed before the ever-living, only wise 
and sovereign God. 

Then the distressing fact began to take possession of as. 
We realized it. The plot had succeeded. The assassin's 
weapon had done the deed. Murder accomplished — other 
murders attempted — blood-shedding not more extensive, only 
because frustrated by a merciful Providence. 



Assassination in our Capital! The victim, the nation's 
President ! Even so. We had thought, we had feared, he 
might die of over-exertion and fatigue, and of disease thus in- 
duced. We had not forgotten the attempt made upon his 
life on the way from his western home to his seat of magis- 
tracy. But since that time there had been no demonstration 
against him, and we were not expecting him to fall by the 
murderer's stroke. 

But now — that head, so full of noble and generous thought, 
has been penetrated by the cruel bullet. That heart whose 
every beat was loyalty to the constitution, and patriotic love, 
beats no more. That pulse whose every throb was an energy 
for the country's good, is still in death. 

Is this God's Providence ? Can he have foreseen and per- 
mitted it? "Be still and know that I am God." 

Perhaps here was a great national danger — that we were 
installing man in the place of God. We had come almost to 
lean upon our President — to make him our reliance — so hon- 
est, so good, so wise. lie was at the helm, therefore we were 
safe. One man and another, — civilian or general — we dis- 
trusted. But we settled down upon the thought, Mr. Lincoln 
holds the helm. All will be managed well— so we felt safe. 
Our temptation was disclosed in the question which so many 
of us have heard and asked, What shall we now do \ What 
is to become of us now? Much as if the throne of heaven 
were vacated. "God is a jealous God. His glory he will not 
give to another." 

Perhaps it would have been too much glory for one man to 
have conducted us quite through the perils and difficulties of 
these times. It was enough lor Moses to load the Lord's hosts 
through the wilderness. At the borders of Canaan his office 
ceased. Joshua must put Cod's elect into possession of the 
land «>f promise, and so Jehovah is seen the God of both 
fifoses and Joshua. 

Tims is God a sovereign. lie can raise rip an instrumen- 
tality — employ it so long as seems good to him — then set it 
aside lor another; while we, impotent, astounded, can only 

behold in silence, be still and know that it is God. 



Not only sovereign is God's Providence, but unsearcha- 
ble. As it is above our power, so is it beyond our compre- 
hension. 

How wonderful the raising up of this man ! How few of 
us had thought of him as a candidate for the chief magistracy, 
before his nomination. And when the telegraph announced 
him as the man selected for the vote of the nation, how many 
of us inquired, Why? "What have been his antecedents? 
What are his claims ? What fitness has he for this supremely 
honorable and responsible position 2 

But what remarkable qualifications he developed ! Con- 
scientiousness — practical wisdom — independence — firmness — 
magnanimity and generosity — gentleness — power of endur- 
ance — control of men. We came to see why Providence 
placed him in the chair. Some men of courtly manners and 
courtly expression criticised his homely ways and style of 
language ; but the people loved him, trusted him, and his 
clear, strong, sound utterances carried conviction. Polished 
diplomatists abroad, and proud aristocrats spoke contemptu- 
ously of his proclamations and state papers, but they had c< »me 
to regard him as an able and sagacious ruler. And now that 
he is deceased we shall find them using towards him terms of 
high respect. Here, among ourselves, criticisms are hushed, 
political differences forgotten, party rancor nobly subdued 
and we are all one great family of mourners. 

We had, I said, feared at times for his life. Early in his 
administration we had trembled, lest that same spirit which 
aimed a death-blow at the nation's life should strike for the 
life of its President. But so kindly had he been protected 
and spared, amid such malignity and perils, that we had be- 
come confident, much as if we supposed him to possess a 
charmed life, under the divine guardianship. Then he was 
stricken down. Jehovah's judgments are a great deep. 

Taken away, just when we wanted his practical sagacity — 
when great, difficult questions were coining up, calling for 
his wise intuitions. How common was il lor our public prints 
to touch upon matters of vast concern soon to demand solu- 



8 

tion, and then dismiss them with the conclusion, the Presi- 
dent's good sense will guide him to the right result ; better 
that, even, was sometimes said, than the deliberations of Con- 
gress. 

"We do not know why God has taken him just now — and 
why he allows such vindictive malice to triumph. God's 
ways are sovereign and unsearchable. "Be still and know 
that I am God. Humble thyself under his mighty hand." 

And yet God's ways are instructive to us. "We profoundly 
acknowledge the truthfulness of Job's exclamation, "How 
little a portion is heard of him ;" but it is also true that these 
are "parts of his ways." Part of his plan we can understand. 
His ways and meaning we can interpret to some extent. 

Among the lessons plainly taught us, this is one : — 
That the Most High is not dependent upon instrumentali- 
ties which seem to us indispensable. If consulted, we should 
have said Abraham Lincoln is the man, the only man, for the 
place he occupies. "We do not see upon whose shoulders his 
mantle could fall. "We have used our liberty of fault-finding. 
I have. You have — doubtless. But when I faced the ques- 
tion, For whom would you displace him, my complainings 
were hushed. I knew, of course, that perfection was not to 
bo expected. ISTor was my standard of perfection to be ac- 
cepted as faultless. No, after all, God save Abraham Lin- 
coln. I do not know the man in whom I could so largely 
confide ; for his true heart, unselfish aim, good judgment and 
Bteady hand. T almost thought Providence could not set 
forth the man. But the Infinite One is teaching us that he 
can work out his own plans — can lead on our republic to its 
destiny — without being limited to servants who seem to us 
indispensable. 

Another part of God's way which we understand is the les- 
son of submission, and trust in him. Not a doubt this is a 
part of the instruction God would give us. We are to sub- 
mit— an<l ii is nut to the treasonable plot thai we submit, to 
the rindictiveness or malice of man, but to the sovereign, un- 



searchable will of God. "Shall there be evil in a city and 
the Lord hath not done it?" This momentous event has not 
taken place unbeknown to God. lie is not surprised or taken 
at unawares. He has not been false to the rectitude and 
goodness of his character. For some good end he has suffered 
it — he knows why — we submit and we trust. 

Another plain lesson from the event which brings us togeth- 
er is the call to thankfulness that our .honored President was 
spared to do his great work. To conclude entirely this gi- 
gantic conflict — to adjust the terms of reconstruction — to 
bring the revolted states back to their allegiance — this it 
seems was not included in his work. But, to preside over the 
country in its greatest troubles — to be commander-in-chief of 
our armies in its bloodiest and most perilous times — to stand 
at the head of the nation when foreign powers were most un- 
friendly — to do all this with consummate ability and success, 
until the southern ports ; were in our hands, and he could de- 
clare the blockade at an end — till the chief commander of the 
insurgents had surrendered with his forces, and the confede- 
rate capitol was in our hands — till the war was virtually ended 
and he could demand of foreign powers to treat us as a sover- 
eign nation who had subdued the great rebellion — this was 
his work in our behalf. And now instead of complaining that 
we are bereaved of him, we will thank a favoring providence 
that he was so long spared, to achieve for us blessings so in- 
valuable. 

Another lesson. We are called to gratitude that we have 
hope for our deceased President as a christian man. We have 
not loved him in a manner altogether selfish — have we? 
Simply for what he was to us ? We wished him good. It 
was a sincere ejaculation often uttered, "God bless Abraham 
Lincoln." We meant it — that God would bless him, not only 
that he might bless us, but that he might be blessed. And 
we believe God did bless him, witli the divine guidance and 
acceptance, and indwelling grace. That he was a diligent 
student of the scriptures Ave know. That he committed his 



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10 

ways to God in prayer, and loved the Savior, lie testified. 
That he rested his hope on the Great Redeemer, we believe, 
and that he has been called up higher,— his warfare accom- 
plished,— the crown of the faithful bestowed upon him by the 
Prince of glory. 

Furthermore, we know that Mr. Lincoln's continuance in 
office would not have been so favorable to God's plan as Ms 
removal. How do we know that ? Because God removed 
him. This proves it. 

Now, my friends, I have a few plain, honest words to say. 
And be pleased not to misunderstand neither misrepresent. 
Honest words should be spoken and honestly received at the 
funeral of honest Abraham Lincoln. 

I have, I trust, a conscientious regard for charity. 1 make 
a broad distinction between the instigators and leaders— the 
influential, responsible conspirators in this great rebellion and 
their deluded instruments. With the great mass of the com- 
mon people at the South— what would I do % Hang them ?— 
exterminate them % I would not. With the rank and file in 
the Confederate army, the ignorant, the misled, the conscript- 
ed—what would I do ? Exile them ?— imprison them % By 
no means. The women,— bitter as many of them have been 
—the children— would I fire their houses, and consign them 
to desolation ? No such thing. All these I would treat ten- 
derly and afford them every facility, every inducement to re- 
turn to allegiance and live comfortably again under the old 
flacr of the union. I am willing to overlook the past and 
call such my Southern brethren. 

But when it is proposed that the intelligent, deliberate, per- 
sistent authors and master-spirits of this rebellion— the inten- 
tional and voluntary assassins of the nation, should be released 
from punishment— when you ask this, you ask me, for the 
sake of sparing traitors, myself to turn traitor to justice and 
my country. You ask too much. 

But how much has this to do with Mr. Lincoln's death ! I 
do not know. Perhaps nothing. I do not claim to have had 



11 

access to Leaven's counsels. Mark me, I do not assert, — I 
only inquire. "Would the policy of Mr. Lincoln have been 
too lenient? "Was he tending, out of his great and good 
heart, to the extreme of mercy % 

But is not mercy a sacred thing f Yes, and I will tell you 
ivhat else is sacred. It is justice. Is not the Gospel full of 
mercy ? Yes, and I will tell you why. Because atonement has 
been made — because justice was first satisfied — the. law was 
first " magnified and made honorable." " Without the shed- 
ding of blood was no remission." 

I believe it should be said, in truth, that at the outset of 
this war, the great study was how to restore the union without 
harming slavery — the great study among our public men. 
And lately, it was getting to be the great question, how to 
reconstruct the union without harming rebels — prominent 
rebels — without harming their persons, property or feelings. 
Our loyal colored troops must not parade in captured Rich- 
mond. Why % Because there were enemies of our country 
there whose delicate nerves would be injured. Black men — 
true hearts — who had rushed to the defense of our govern- 
ment, and fought bravely under the stars and stripes — of 
whom many had fallen a sacrifice — whose blood was shed in 
warring with traitors — colored forces, the very men who first 
entered the city and planted the national banner there, must 
not be seen parading the streets, lest it should interfere with 
the prejudices and sensibilities of traitors. 

For the same reason prayer must not be offered up in Rich- 
mond for our President — and this was connived at. Well, 
prayer was not offered ; and a little after the President was 
assassinated. 

It was even attempted to call back the flying rebels to ask 
their advice as to how we should reconstruct Virginia's gov- 
ernment. I am not rehearsing fables. These are sober facts. 

I am forced to believe we were on the way to a mischievous 
policy — well-meant, perhaps, but a mistaken and ruinous 
policy — one which would have brought back upon us a 
refluent wave of corruption, convulsion and distress. Treason 
was to be passed over as trivial. The penalty of confiscation 



12 

was to be remitted. The great plantations were to be un- 
touched. Upon these great estates, the blacks, whether free 
or slave, were to be the laborers. The large estate-owners 
would have immense patronage. They would thus control 
the vote of their working-freedmen — or vote themselves upon 
the basis of the old representation. The planters, with their 
thousands of acres and thousands of serfs — with their old 
spirit intensified and embittered, naturally would, and easily 
could, league together and be masters of state action. They 
could make their way back to Congress, renew covenant with 
unprincipled politicians of the North, and we should have all 
the intrigue and corruption, and violence and perils, and war 
and blood-shed of days already past. 

Perhaps God meant us better things— so took his own way 
and time to call us to vigilanee and action. He showed us 
anew the temper of this conspiracy. Its ruthless malignity 
was to be disclosed in the assassination of our President. 
Who killed Mr. Lincoln? The man that fired the pistol? 
He was a mere agent — one factor in a great plot. He was a 
mere out-growth of this great rebellion. The spirit which at- 
tempted that same life four years ago— which has massacred 
and starved our soldiers, which has shot down union men, has 
now. culminated in the horrible deed of the President's assas- 
sination. 

And this comes just at the -time when the great military 
leader of the rebellion, with his associate officers and forces 
was let off, unhumbled even. How desperately we had fought ! 
what sacrifices ! what rivers of blood, to reach the advantage 
we had gained ! what prayers had been offered that the great 
conspirator-chieftain might be given into our power ! The 
Almighty at last had given Lee into our hands — reduced him 
to such weakness and extremity that we could take him on 
our own terms ; and we release him as a man of honor and a 
gentleman. Who is General Lee ? A man less dishonorable 
than some of his followers ? He has been the military genius 
and bulwark of the rebellion. Against the country that, nour- 
ished and educated him and made him what he is, he used 
his every talent and resource. He took Bides with the traitors 



V) 

— protracted the war as long- as there was a gleam of hope — 
did all he could to destroy our government, liberties and na- 
tion. And was this the man to be treated with scrupulous 
courtesy? — to be dismissed as having committed a venial of- 
fense? Was the great advantage God had given us to be thus 
made light of? The rebel-chieftain is let go with the honors 
of war. Then our President is stricken down in death. Did 
a voice from on high say, "Let this man go and thy lite for 
it" ? I do not affirm. I do not know. 

But of this I am confident, that the Almighty has under- 
taken in behalf of the enslaved, oppressed millions of the 
South. And this I know, that it is a dark day for the blacks 
when Northern leaders and the arch-conspirators of the South 
fraternize, and we take the hands that are reeking with the 
blood of our brothers and sons and husbands. That Mas a 
dark cloud rising. Perhaps God meant to scatter it with the 
winds and bolts of his righteous indignation. 

It is scattered. This awful atrocity in our eapital — this 
outbreak — this dread omen of the dangers which slumber be- 
neath us will stir up the cry for vigor and justice. Not for 
revenge, but justice. I am addressing men of sense. You 
know there is a difference between revenge and justice. Do 
not allow yourselves to be imposed upon by a juggle of words. 

Oh ! the nation's heart is reached when the nation's Father 
is murdered — that very man who most earnestly and tenderly 
sought the best interests of those, his Southern children, who, 
with parricidal arm, have laid him low in death. It was a 
second firing upon Sumter — a firing upon the national life, 
which lias fired the people anew to self-defense — to see that 
gentleness with such traitors is a suicidal crime, and to de- 
mand that they be put beyond the power of doing further 
mischief. 

It is an event too which places in the chair a man whose 
failing probably will not be a weak leniency. 

We have just had reported to us views of our new Presi- 
dent Johnson, expressed at a meeting of Eowa citizens in 



14 

Washington, Saturday evening, and communicated to the 
public through Gov. Stone. He would pursue no policy, he 
said, which would prevent the government from visiting con- 
dign punishment upon the guilty authors of this rebellion. 
He regarded it as due to the loyal people of the country, and 
to the memory of the thousands of brave men who had fallen 
in defense of the union during this struggle, and to the claims 
of justice and freedom throughout the world, that treason 
should still be regarded as the highest crime under our con- 
stitution and flag, and that treason should be rendered infa- 
mous for all time to come. While he entertained these views, 
he should endeavor to gain the confidence of the deceived and 
betrayed masses of the southern people, regarding them as 
the proper material for reconstructing the Southern states. 
For them he expressed deep sympathy— the betrayed and de- 
luded masses— earnestly desiring their return to allegiance 
and their restoration to their former peace and prosperity. 

The same views he expressed in a speech made just after 
the taking of Richmond. "Death, he says, to the conspira- 
tors—clemency to their victims. I am in favor of leniency ; 
but in my opinion evil-doers should be punished. I say this 
—the halter for intelligent, influential traitors. But to the 
honest boy, to the deluded man, who has been deceived into 
the rebel ranks, I would extend leniency. I would say, Re- 
turn to your allegiance, renew your support to the govern- 
ment and become a good citizen. But the leaders I would 

hang." 

These are sound sentiments and the people will support 
him in them. It verily seems as if the time was at hand 
when other interests were to be held as precious as the honor 
and pride, the property and the sensibilities of traitors. 

Perhaps Mr. Lincoln died not only in God's good time but 
in his own best time. I yield to no one in my veneration for 
that wonderful man. I know not whether I would assign him 
a place inferior even to that of Washington. But no man 
is infallible. What he would have done I do not know. My 
confidence in him had become so great, that it seemed to me 



15 

lie would be guided through anything and everything. This 
much we know. lie has done his work nobly. And he has 
not lived to mar it. Had his virtue of clemency become his 
tailing — had his magnanimous, tender spirit constrained him 
to propitiate the rebels instead of subduing them and strip- 
ping them of power for further mischief — thus throwing away 
very much of what our brave men earned upon the hard- 
fought and bloody field, and in the horrible prison — very 
much for which families all over our land are in mourning 
— very much for which the freedom-loving wait and long, the 
world over — his memory would not have been that glorious, 
admirable record which will now stand upon the page of 
history and the hearts of a grateful country. Xow he has 
not only served his country, but died for it. Too good, I al- 
most think — too kind to deal with unscrupulous, truculent 
traitors — he has been taken to heaven, where there is a call 
only for gentle and loving ministries. 

It becomes us to look earnestly at our own duty touching 
the interests of justice — justice to the traitor — to the colored 
man — to our country. There are times when God insists 
upon the infliction of justice. His ancient covenant people 
he visited with defeat and disaster until Achan was brought 
to justice. And Saul was removed from the kingdom because 
lie spared the king of the Amalekites, whom Jehovah had 
sentenced to death. I am not an inspired Joshua or a prophet 
Samuel to say, this man must be stoned and that man hewed 
in pieces. But I cite these cases to show that there are times 
when God demands that justice shall be executed. lias he 
determined that justice shall be done, — to the black man? 
to the rebel conspirators? — that <>ur country shall sutler till 
this consummation be reached \ I do not know. But it may 
be. Take care that we do not stand in the way of the Al- 
mighty's purposes. Some meaning and intent God doul 
has. It is not wrong to do justice. It may be wrong to with- 
hold it. 

It may be the duty v\' the people to hold meeting- in their 
respective towns, to frame resolutions or petitions, calm. 






1G 



firm, wise, and through their representatives at Washington 
to make their voice heard in our high places. 

You and I shall not live to see any other crimes so great as 
have been perpetrated by the instigators of this rebellion. It 
is not in human power to commit such crimes but once in 
many centuries — crimes so vast, far-reaching and terrible. 
And if there is no call for justice, penalty, now, strike these 
words forever from your vocabulary — let no man ever again 
hear them pass your lips. Oh! a God of righteousness and 
equity must be incensed at seeing us execute the poor, igno- 
rant deserter, while we excuse the clear-headed, deliberate, 
arch-traitor, and the eminent rebel-general at whose doors lies 
the blood of thousands. 

It is comforting, I remark in closing, to reflect that God 
can raise up for us men suited to our emergency. He who 
called Moses from the desert of Midian to conduct the Exodus 
of Israel — who called David from the sheep-fold to be a victo- 
rious and illustrious Ruler— who raised up our late President, 
our wise men and counsellors, our able Generals and gallant 
Admirals, can still supply our wants. "'They shall not be 
ashamed that wait upon him." 

We must rally around and support him who is now our 
' President. By the constitution of the land and by the Provi- 
dence of God, Mr. Johnson is now the President of this 
American Republic. We must accept Buch testimony in his 
favor as that of Gen. Burnside and Mr. Lincoln, and give him 
our confidence, our prayers, oar encouragement in every good 
word and work. %- 

And now as our almost adorable Abraham Lincoln lies cold 
in death — -a benignant smile, it is said, resting upon his fixed 
and pallid countenance— Thou Great Departed, Emancipator 
and Patriot, we will adopt thy noble utterance, "Charity to 
all and malice for none"— consecrating ourselves over thy 
precious dust, in a. chastened, sanctified patriotism, to "do 
justly and love mercy and walk humbly before God." 



LB S '12 



